Foreword

According to the book Explaining Simple and Analyzing Compound Characters, [1] the traditional Chinese character “dang,” meaning “party” or “gang,” consists of two components (called radicals) that correspond to “promote or advocate” and “dark or black,” respectively. Putting the two radicals together, the character means “promoting darkness.” “Party” or “party member” (which can also be interpreted as “gang” or “gang member”) carries a derogatory root meaning.

Confucius said in The Analects, “A gentleman is proud without being aggressive, sociable but not partisan.” [2] The footnotes of The Analects explain, “People who help one another conceal their wrongdoings are said to be forming a gang (party).” [3] In Chinese history, political cliques were often called “peng dang” (cabal). It is a synonym for “gang of scoundrels” in traditional Chinese culture, and the meaning implies ganging up for selfish purposes.

Why did the Communist Party emerge, grow, and eventually seize power in contemporary China? The Chinese Communist Party has constantly instilled in the minds of the Chinese people that history chose the Party, that the people chose the Party, and that “without the Party, there would be no new China.” Did the Chinese people choose the Communist Party? Or did the Communist Party “gang up” and force Chinese people to accept it? We must look to history to find the answers.

From the late Qing Dynasty (1644–1911) to the early years of the Republic period (1911–1949), China experienced tremendous external shocks and extensive attempts at internal reform. Chinese society was in painful turmoil. Many intellectuals and people with lofty ideals wanted to save the country and its people. However, in the midst of national crisis and chaos, their sense of anxiety grew, leading first to disappointment and then to complete despair. Like an ill patient who will turn to any available doctor for a treatment or cure, they looked outside China for a solution. When the British and French styles failed, they switched to the Russian method. They did not hesitate to prescribe the most extreme remedy for the illness, in the hope that China would quickly become strong.

The May Fourth Movement in 1919 was a thorough reflection of this despair. Some people advocated anarchism, others proposed to overthrow the doctrines of Confucius, and still others suggested bringing in foreign culture. In short, they rejected Chinese traditional culture and opposed the Confucian doctrine of the middle way. Eager to take a shortcut, they advocated the destruction of everything traditional. On one hand, the radical members among them did not have a way to serve the country. On the other hand, all of the members believed firmly in their own ideals and will. They felt the world was hopeless, believing that only they had found the right approach to China’s future development. They were passionate for revolution and violence.

Different experiences led to different theories, principles, and paths among various groups. Eventually, a group of people met Communist Party representatives from the Soviet Union. The idea of “using violent revolution to seize political power,” lifted from the theory of Marxism-Leninism, appealed to their anxious minds and conformed to their desire to save the country and its people. They immediately allied with each other and introduced communism, a completely foreign concept, to China.

Altogether, 13 representatives attended the first national congress of the CCP. Later, some of them died, some ran away, and some, betraying the CCP or becoming opportunistic, worked for the occupying Japanese and became traitors to China, or quit the CCP and joined the Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party). By 1949, when the CCP came to power in China, only Mao Zedong and Dong Biwu remained of the original 13 Party members. It is unclear whether the founders of the CCP were aware at the time that the “deity” they had introduced from the Soviet Union was, in reality, an evil specter, and the remedy they sought for strengthening the nation was actually a deadly poison.

The All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), having just won its revolution, was obsessed with ambition for China. In 1920, the Soviet Union established the Far Eastern Bureau, a branch of the Third Communist International, or the Comintern. The Comintern was responsible for the establishment of communist parties in China and other countries. Boris Shumyatsky was the head of the Far Eastern Bureau, and Grigori Voitinsky was a deputy manager.

They began to prepare for the establishment of the CCP with Chen Duxiu and a handful of other founding members. The proposal they submitted to the Far Eastern Bureau in June 1921 to establish a China branch of the Comintern indicated that the CCP was controlled by the Comintern. On July 23, 1921, under the direction of Vladimir Abramovich Neiman-Nikolsky and Henk Sneevliet (who went by the pseudonym Maring) from the Far Eastern Bureau, the CCP was officially formed.

The communist movement was then introduced to China as an experiment, and the CCP has since set itself above all, conquering all in its path, and thereby bringing endless catastrophe to China.

It is not an easy task to introduce a foreign and evil specter such as the Communist Party — one that is totally incompatible with the Chinese tradition — to China, a country with a history of five thousand years of civilization. The CCP deceived the populace, and the patriotic intellectuals who wanted to serve the country, with the promise of the “communist utopia.” It further distorted the theory of communism, which had already been severely distorted by Vladimir Lenin, to provide a theoretical basis for destroying all traditional morals and principles. In addition, the CCP’s distorted theory of communism was used to destroy all that was disadvantageous to the CCP’s rule and to eliminate all social classes and people that might pose a threat to its control. The CCP adopted the Industrial Revolution’s destruction of belief as well as communism’s complete atheism. The CCP inherited communism’s denial of private ownership and imported Lenin’s theory of violent revolution. At the same time, the CCP inherited and further strengthened the worst parts of the Chinese monarchy.

The history of the CCP is a process of gradually accumulating every kind of wickedness, both domestic and foreign. The CCP has perfected its nine traits inherited from communism, giving them “Chinese characteristics”: evil, deceit, incitement, unleashing the scum of society, espionage, robbery, fighting, elimination, and control. As a response to the continuous crises facing it, the CCP has honed and reinforced these malicious characteristics, as well as expanding the extent to which they are manifested.

Marxism initially attracted the Chinese radicals with its declaration that violent revolution is necessary to destroy the old state apparatus and establish a dictatorship of the proletariat. This is precisely the root of evil in Marxism and Leninism.

Marxist materialism is predicated on the narrow economic concepts of forces of production, production relations, and surplus value. During the early, underdeveloped stages of capitalism, Karl Marx made the shortsighted prediction that capitalism would die and the proletariat would win, which has been proven wrong by history.

Marxism-Leninism's violent revolution and dictatorship of the proletariat promote power politics and proletarian domination. The Communist Manifesto related the Communist Party’s historical and philosophical basis to class conflict and struggle. The proletariat broke free from traditional morals and social relations for the sake of seizing power. From their first appearance, the doctrines of communism were set in opposition to all tradition.

Human nature universally repels violence. Violence makes people ruthless and tyrannical. Thus, in all places and at all times, humanity has fundamentally rejected the premises of the Communist Party’s theory of violence, a theory that has no antecedent in any earlier systems of thought, philosophy, or tradition. The communist system of terror fell upon the earth as if from nowhere.

The CCP’s evil ideology is built on the premise that humans can conquer nature and transform the world. The Communist Party attracted many people with its ideals of “emancipating all of mankind” and “world unity.” [4] The CCP deceived many people, especially those who were concerned about the human condition and were eager to make their mark on society.

The CCP forgot that there is a heaven above. Inspired by the beautiful lie of “building heaven on earth,” the members of the CCP despised traditions and looked down upon the lives of others, which in turn degraded themselves. They did all of this in an attempt to receive praise and gain honor from the CCP.

The Communist Party presented the fantasy of a “communist paradise” as the truth, and aroused people’s enthusiasm to fight for it: “For reason thunders new creation, ‘Tis a better world in birth.” [5] Employing such an absolutely absurd idea, the CCP severed the connections between humanity and heaven, and cut the lifeline that connected the Chinese people to their ancestors and national traditions. By summoning people to give their lives for communism, the CCP strengthened its ability to do harm.

Evil must lie. To take advantage of the working class, the CCP conferred upon it the titles of “the most advanced class,” “the selfless class,” “the leading class,” and “the pioneers of the proletarian revolution.”

When the Communist Party needed the peasants, it promised “land to the tiller.” Mao applauded the peasants, saying, “Without the poor peasants, there would be no revolution; to deny their role is to deny the revolution.” [6] When the Communist Party needed help from the capitalist class, it called them “fellow travelers in the proletarian revolution” and promised them “democratic republicanism.” When the Communist Party was almost exterminated by the Kuomintang, it appealed loudly that “Chinese do not fight Chinese” and promised to submit itself to the leadership of the Kuomintang. As soon as the war against Japan (1937–1945) was over, the CCP turned against the Kuomintang in full force and overthrew its government. Similarly, the CCP eliminated the capitalist class shortly after taking control of China and, in the end, transformed the peasants and workers into a truly penniless proletariat.

The notion of a united front is a typical example of the lies the CCP tells. To win the civil war against the Kuomintang, the CCP departed from its usual tactics of killing every family member of the landlords and rich peasants and adopted a “temporary policy of unification” with its class enemies, including the landlords and rich peasants. On July 20, 1947, Mao announced, “Except for a few reactionary elements, we should adopt a more relaxed attitude toward the landlord class ... in order to reduce hostile elements.” After the CCP gained power, however, the landlords and rich peasants did not escape genocide.

Saying one thing and doing another is normal for the Communist Party. When the CCP needed to use the democratic parties, it urged that all parties “strive for long-term coexistence, exercise mutual supervision, be sincere with each other, and share honor and disgrace.” Anyone who disagreed with or refused to conform to the Party’s concepts, words, deeds, or organization was eliminated. Marx, Lenin, and the leaders of the CCP have all said that the Communist Party’s political power would not be shared with any other individuals or groups. From the very beginning, communism clearly carried within it the gene of dictatorship. The CCP is despotic and exclusive. It has never coexisted with any other political parties or groups in a sincere manner, not when it attempted to seize power, nor after it gained control. Even during the so-called “relaxed” period, the CCP’s coexistence with others was at most a choreographed performance.

History tells us never to believe any promises made by the CCP, nor to trust that any of the CCP’s commitments will be fulfilled. Believing the words of the Communist Party — no matter what the issue may be — will cost a person his life.

Deceit serves to incite hatred. Struggle relies on hatred. Where hatred does not exist, it can be created.

The deeply rooted patriarchal clan system in the Chinese countryside served as a fundamental barrier to the Communist Party’s establishment of political power. The rural society was initially harmonious, and the relationship between the landowners and tenants was not entirely confrontational. The landowners offered the peasants a means to live, and in return, the peasants supported the landowners. This somewhat mutually dependent relationship was twisted by the CCP into extreme class antagonism and class exploitation. Harmony was turned into hostility, hatred, and struggle. The reasonable was made to be unreasonable, order made to be chaos, and republicanism made to be despotism.

The Communist Party encouraged expropriation, murder for money, and the slaughter of landlords, rich peasants, their families, and their clans. Many peasants were not willing to take the property of others; some returned at night the property they had taken from the landlords during the day. Such people were then criticized by CCP work teams in rural regions as having “low class consciousness.”

To incite class hatred, the CCP reduced the Chinese theater to a propaganda tool. A well-known story, The White-Haired Girl, [7] was originally about a female immortal and had nothing to do with class conflicts. Under the pens of the military writers, however, it was transformed into a “modern” drama, opera, and ballet about oppression, used to incite hatred between the classes.

When Japan invaded China during World War II, the CCP did not fight against the Japanese troops. Instead, the CCP attacked the Kuomintang government with accusations that the Kuomintang had betrayed the country by not fighting against Japan. Even at the most critical moment of national calamity, it incited people to oppose the Kuomintang government.

Inciting the masses to struggle against each other is a classic trick of the CCP. The CCP created the 95-5 formula of class assignment: 95 percent of the population would be designated as members of various classes that could be won over, while the remaining 5 percent would be designated as class enemies. People within the 95 percent were safe, but those within the 5 percent were “struggled against.” Out of fear, people strived to be included in the 95 percent. This resulted in many cases in which people turned on others, adding to the persecution. The CCP has, through the use of incitement in many of its political movements, perfected this technique.

Unleashing the scum of society leads to evil, and evil must utilize the scum of society. Communist revolutions have often made use of the rebellion of hoodlums and social scum. The Paris Commune actually involved homicide, arson, and violence led by social scum.

Even Marx looked down upon the “lumpenproletariat.” [8] In The Communist Manifesto, [9] Marx said, “The ‘dangerous class,’ the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of the old society, may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue.” Peasants, on the other hand, were considered by Marx and Engels to be unqualified to be any social class because of their so-called fragmentation and ignorance.

The CCP developed further the insidious traits of Marxist theory. Mao said, “The social scum and hoodlums have always been spurned by the society, but they are actually the bravest, the most thorough and firmest in the revolution in the rural areas.” [10] The lumpenproletariat enhanced the violent nature of the CCP and established the early political power of the Communist Party in rural areas.

The word “revolution” in Chinese literally means “taking lives,” which sounds horrific and disastrous to all good people. However, the Party managed to imbue “revolution” with positive meaning. Similarly, in a debate over the term “lumpenproletariat” during the Cultural Revolution, the CCP felt that “lumpen” did not sound good, so the term was simply shortened to “proletariat.”

Another behavior of the scum of society is to play the scoundrel. When criticized for being dictators, Party officials would reveal their tendency to bully and would shamelessly pronounce something along the lines of, “You are right, that is precisely what we are doing. The Chinese experience accumulated through the past decades requires that we exercise this power of democratic dictatorship. We call it the ‘people’s democratic dictatorship.’”

In addition to cheating, inciting violence, and employing the scum of society, the techniques of espionage and sowing dissension are also used by the CCP. The Party is skillful at infiltration.

Decades ago, the “top three” most outstanding undercover agents for the CCP — Qian Zhuangfei, Li Kenong, and Hu Beifeng — worked for Chen Geng, the manager of the second branch of the spy section of the Central Committee of the CCP.

When Qian was working as a confidential secretary and trusted subordinate of Xu Enzeng, the director of the Investigation Office of the Kuomintang Central Committee, Qian sent secret information to Li about the Kuomintang’s first and second strategic plans to encircle the CCP’s troops in Jiangxi Province. Qian sent the intelligence through the internal mail of the Organization Department of the Kuomintang Central Committee, and Li then hand-delivered it to Zhou Enlai. [11] In April 1930, a special double-agent organization, funded by the Central Investigation Branch of the Kuomintang, was set up in the northeastern region of China. On the surface, it belonged to the Kuomintang and was managed by Qian, but behind the scenes, it was controlled by the CCP and led by Chen.

Li also joined the Kuomintang’s army headquarters as a cryptographer. Li was the one who decoded the urgent message pertaining to the arrest of Gu Shunzhang, [12] a CCP Security Bureau director who became an informant while under the custody of the Kuomintang. Qian immediately sent the decoded message to Zhou, thereby keeping the whole lot of spies from being caught in a dragnet.

Yang Dengying was a pro-communist special representative for the Kuomintang’s Central Investigation Office stationed in Shanghai. The CCP ordered him to arrest and execute those party members whom the CCP considered unreliable. A senior CCP officer from Henan Province once offended a party cadre, and his own people pulled some strings to put him in the Kuomintang’s jail for several years.

During the War of Liberation, [13] the CCP managed to plant a secret agent, whom Chiang Kai-shek [14] kept in close confidence: Lieutenant General Liu Fei. He and the deputy minister of the Ministry of Defense were in charge of deploying the Kuomintang military forces. Before the Kuomintang’s army leadership even found out about their next deployment, information about the plans would have already reached the CCP headquarters in Yan’an. The communists would then come up with a plan of defense accordingly.

In one instance, Xiong Xianghui, a secretary and trusted subordinate of Kuomintang military leader Hu Zongnan, [15] revealed Hu’s plan to invade Yan’an to Zhou. When Hu and his forces reached Yan’an, it was already deserted. Zhou once said, “Chairman Mao knew the military orders issued by Chiang Kai-shek before they even made it to Chiang’s army commander.”

Everything the CCP has was obtained through robbery. When it pulled the Red Army together to establish its rule through military force, the army needed money for arms, ammunition, food, and clothes. The CCP raised funds in the form of suppressing the local tyrants and robbing banks, behaving like bandits.

In a mission led by Li Xiannian, [16] one of the CCP’s senior leaders, the Red Army kidnapped individuals from the richest families in county seats in the area of western Hubei Province. They did not just kidnap one single person, but one from every rich family in the clan. The kidnapped were kept alive to be ransomed back to their families for continued monetary support for the army. It was not until either the Red Army was satisfied or the families of the kidnapped were completely drained of resources that the hostages were sent home, many at death’s door. Some had been terrorized or tortured so badly that they died before they could return.

Through “cracking down on the local tyrants and confiscating their lands,” the CCP extended the tricks and violence of their plunder to the whole society, replacing tradition with “the new order.”

The Communist Party has committed all manner of ill deeds, large and small, while it has done no good at all. It has offered small favors to everyone in order to incite some to denounce others. As a result, compassion and virtue have disappeared completely and have been replaced with strife and killing. The “communist utopia” is actually a euphemism for violent plunder.

Deceit, incitement, unleashing social scum, and espionage are all for the purpose of robbing and fighting. Communist philosophy promotes struggle. The communist revolution was absolutely not just some disorganized beating, smashing, and robbing. Mao said, “The main targets of peasants’ attacks are local tyrants, the evil gentry, and lawless landlords, but in passing they also struck out against all kinds of patriarchal ideas and institutions, against the corrupt officials in the cities and against the bad practices and customs in the rural areas.” [17] The Party clearly ordered that the entire traditional system and customs of the countryside be destroyed.

Communist struggling also includes armed forces and armed struggle. “A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained, and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another.” [18]

Struggle was used by the CCP when it attempted to seize state power by force. A few decades later, the CCP used the same characteristic of fighting to “educate” the next generation during the Cultural Revolution.

Communism has done many things with absolute cruelty.

The CCP promised the intellectuals a “heaven on earth.” Later, it labeled them “rightist” and put them into the infamous ninth category [19] of persecuted people, alongside landlords and spies. It deprived landlords and capitalists of their property; exterminated the landlord and rich peasant classes; destroyed rank and order in the countryside; took authority away from local figures; kidnapped and extorted bribes from the rich; brainwashed war prisoners; “reformed” industrialists and capitalists; infiltrated the Kuomintang and disintegrated it; split from the Communist International and betrayed it; cleaned out all dissidents through successive political movements after it came to power in 1949; and threatened its own members with coercion. Everything it did was to the extreme.

The above-mentioned occurrences were all based on the CCP’s theory of genocide. Its every past political movement was a campaign of terror with genocidal intent. The CCP started to build its theoretical system of genocide at its early stage as a composite of its theories on class, revolution, struggle, violence, dictatorship, movements, and political parties. Its system encompasses all of the experiences it has embraced and accumulated through its various genocidal practices.

The essential expression of CCP genocide is the extermination of conscience and independent thought. In this way, a “reign of terror” serves the fundamental interests of the CCP. The CCP will eliminate you not only if you are against it, but also if you are for it. It will eliminate whomever it deems should be eliminated. Consequently, everyone lives in the shadow of terror and fears the CCP.

All of the inherited characteristics are aimed at achieving a single goal: to control the populace through the use of terror. Through its evil actions, the CCP has proved itself to be the natural enemy of all existing social forces.

Since its inception, the CCP has struggled through one crisis after another, among which the crisis of survival has been the most critical. The CCP exists in a state of perpetual fear for its survival. Its sole purpose has been to maintain its own existence and power, for its own highest benefit.

To supplement its declining power, the CCP turns to even more evil measures on a regular basis. The Party’s interest is not the interest of any single party member, nor is it a collection of any individual interests. Rather, it is the interest of the Party as a collective entity that overrides any sense of the individual. “Party nature,” the most vicious characteristic of this evil specter, overwhelms human nature so completely that the Chinese people have lost their humanity.

For instance, Zhou Enlai and Sun Bingwen were once comrades. After Sun died, Zhou took his daughter, Sun Weishi, as his adopted daughter. During the Cultural Revolution, Sun Weishi was reprimanded. She later died in custody from having a long nail driven into her head. Her arrest warrant had been signed by her adoptive father, Zhou.

One of the early leaders of the CCP was Ren Bishi, who was in charge of opium sales during the war against Japan. Opium was a symbol of foreign invasion at that time, as the British used opium exports to drain the Chinese economy and turn the Chinese people into addicts. Despite the strong national sentiment against opium, Ren dared to plant opium in a large area because of his “sense of Party nature,” risking universal condemnation. Due to the sensitive and illegal nature of the opium dealings, the CCP used the word “soap” as a code word for opium. The CCP used the revenue from the illicit drug trade with bordering countries to fund its existence.

At the Centenary of the Birth of Ren, one of the new generation of Chinese leaders highly praised Ren’s aptitude for the Party, or sense of Party nature, claiming: “Ren possessed superior character and was a model Party member. He also had a firm belief in Communism and unlimited loyalty to the cause of the Party.” [20]

Another individual with good aptitude for the Party was Zhang Side. The Party said that Zhang was killed by the sudden collapse of a kiln, but others claimed that he died while roasting opium. Since he was a quiet person, having served in the Central Guard Division and never once asking for a promotion, it was said that “his death is weightier than Mount Tai,” [21] meaning that his life held the greatest importance.

Another model of Party nature, Lei Feng, was well-known as the “screw that never rusts, functioning in the revolutionary machine.” For years, both Lei and Zhang were used to educate the Chinese people to be loyal to the Party.

Mao said, “The power of examples is boundless.” Many Party “heroes” were used to model the “iron will and principle of the Party spirit.”

Upon gaining power, the CCP launched an aggressive campaign of mind control to mold many new “tools” and “screws” from successive generations. The Party formed a set of “proper thoughts” and a range of stereotypical behaviors. These protocols were initially used within the Party but quickly expanded to the entire public. Clothed in the name of the nation, these thoughts and actions worked to brainwash people into complying with the evil mechanism of the CCP.

The CCP lays claim to a brilliant history, one that has seen victory after victory. This is merely an attempt to prettify itself and glorify the CCP’s image in the eyes of the public. As a matter of fact, the CCP has no glory to advertise at all. Only by using the nine inherited evil traits could it establish and maintain its power.

“With the report of the first cannon during the October Revolution, it brought us Marxism and Leninism.” [22] That was how the Party portrayed itself to the people. However, when the Party was first founded, it was just the Asian branch of the Soviet Union. From the beginning, it was a traitorous party. During the founding period of the Party, its members had no money, no ideology, and no experience. They had no foundation upon which to support themselves.

The CCP joined the Comintern to link its destiny with the existing violent revolution. The CCP’s violent revolution was just a descendant of Marx and Lenin’s revolution. The Comintern was the global headquarters from which to overthrow political powers all over the world, and the CCP was simply an eastern branch of Soviet communism, carrying out the imperialism of the Russian Red Army.

The CCP shared the experience of the Soviet Union’s Communist Party of violent political takeover and dictatorship of the proletariat, and it followed the Soviet Party’s instructions on its political line, intellectual line, and organizational line. The CCP copied the secret and underground means by which an external, illegal organization survived, adopting extreme surveillance and control measures. The Soviet Union was the backbone and patron of the CCP.

The CCP constitution, passed by the First Congress of the CCP, was formulated by the Comintern based on Marxism-Leninism and the theories of class struggle, dictatorship of the proletariat, and party establishment. The Soviet party constitution provided the fundamental basis. The soul of the CCP consists of an ideology imported from the Soviet Union. Chen Duxiu, one of the foremost officials of the CCP, had different opinions from Maring, the representative from the Comintern. Maring wrote a memo to Chen stating that if Chen were a real member of the Communist Party, he would have to follow orders from the Comintern. Even though Chen was one of the CCP’s founding fathers, he could do nothing but listen to and obey orders. In actuality, he and the Party were simply subordinates of the Soviet Union.

During the Third Congress of the CCP in 1923, Chen publicly acknowledged that the Party was funded almost entirely by contributions from the Soviet Comintern. In one year, the Comintern contributed more than 200,000 yuan to the CCP, with unsatisfactory results. The Comintern accused the CCP of not being diligent enough in its efforts. According to incomplete statistics from declassified Party documents, the CCP received 16,655 yuan from October 1921 to June 1922. In 1924, it received $1,500 and 32,927.17 yuan, and in 1927, it received 187,674 yuan.

Tactics commonly used by the CCP today, such as lobbying, offering bribes, using threats, and other ways of going through the backdoor, were already in use back then. The Comintern accused the CCP of continuously lobbying for funds:

They take advantage of the different funding sources (International Communications Office, representatives for the Comintern, and military organizations, etc.) to get their funds because one organization does not know that the other organization has already dispersed the funds. ... The funny thing is, they not only understand the psychology of our Soviet comrades; most importantly, they know how to treat differently the comrades in charge of dispersing funds. Once they know that they won’t be able to get it through normal means, they delay meetings. In the end, they use the crudest means to blackmail, like spreading rumors that some grassroots officials have conflicts with the Soviets and that money is being given to warlords instead of to the CCP. [23]

The CCP has always taught its people that Chiang Kai-chek betrayed the National Revolution movement, [25] forcing the CCP to rise in armed revolt.

In reality, the CCP is a parasite or possessing specter. It cooperated with the Kuomintang, in the first CCP–Kuomintang alliance, for the sake of expanding its influence through taking advantage of the National Revolution. Moreover, the CCP was eager to launch a Soviet-supported revolution and seize power, and its desire for power in fact led it to destroy and betray the National Revolution movement.

At the Second National Congress of the CCP in July 1922, party members opposing the alliance with the Kuomintang dominated the congress, because they were anxious to seize power. However, the Comintern vetoed the resolution and ordered the CCP to join with the Kuomintang. During the first CCP–Kuomintang alliance, the CCP held its Fourth National Congress in Shanghai in January 1925 and raised the question of leadership in China, before Sun Yat-sen [26] died on March 12, 1925. Had Sun not died, he, instead of Chiang, would have been the target of the CCP in its quest for power.

With the support of the Soviet Union, the CCP wantonly seized political power inside the Kuomintang during their alliance. Tan Pingshan became the minister of the Central Personnel Department of the Kuomintang. [27] Feng Jupo was secretary of the Ministry of Labor and was granted full power to deal with all labor-related affairs. [28] Lin Zuhan was the minister of rural affairs, [29] while Peng Pai was secretary of this ministry. [30] Mao assumed the position of acting minister of the Kuomintang Propaganda Ministry. The military schools and leadership of the military were always the focus of the CCP: Zhou Enlai held the position of director of the Political Department of the Huangpu (Whampoa) Military Academy, and Zhang Shenfu was the associate director. [31] Zhou was also chief of the Judge Advocates Section, and he planted Russian military advisers here and there. Many communists held positions as political instructors and faculty at Kuomintang military schools. CCP members also served as Kuomintang party representatives at various levels of the National Revolutionary Army. [32] It was also stipulated that without a CCP representative’s signature, no order would be deemed effective. As a result of this parasitic attachment to the National Revolution movement, the number of CCP members increased dramatically from less than one thousand in 1925 to thirty thousand by 1928.

The Northern Expedition started in February 1926. From October 1926 to March 1927, the CCP launched three armed rebellions in Shanghai. Later, it attacked the Northern Expedition military headquarters, but failed. Picketers in general strikes in Guangdong Province engaged in violent conflicts with the police every day. Such uprisings caused the Kuomintang to begin a purge of the CCP on April 12, 1927. [33]

In August 1927, the CCP members within the National Revolutionary Army initiated the Nanchang Rebellion, which was quickly suppressed. In September, the CCP launched the Autumn Harvest Uprising to attack Changsha, but that attack was suppressed as well.

The CCP began to implement a network of control in the army whereby “Party branches [were] established at the level of the company in the army,” and it fled to the Jinggang Mountains in Jiangxi Province, [34] establishing rule over the countryside there.

During the Northern Expedition, when the National Revolutionary Army was at war with the warlords, the CCP instigated rebellions in the rural areas in an attempt to capture power. The Hunan Peasant Rebellion in 1927 was a revolt of the riffraff — the scum of society — as was the well-known Paris Commune of 1871, the first communist revolt. French nationals and foreigners who witnessed the Paris Commune saw that it was a group of destructive roving bandits with no vision. Living in exquisite buildings and large mansions and eating extravagant and luxurious meals, the communists cared only about enjoying their momentary happiness and worried not at all about what lay ahead. During the revolt, they censored the press. They took as hostage and later shot the archbishop of Paris, Georges Darboy, who gave sermons to the king. For their personal enjoyment, they cruelly killed sixty-four clergymen, set fire to palaces, and destroyed government offices, private residences, monuments, and inscribed columns.

The wealth and beauty of the French capital had been second to none in Europe. The Paris Commune uprising saw buildings reduced to ashes and people to skeletons. Such atrocities and cruelty had rarely been seen throughout history.

Mao admitted:

It is true that the peasants are in a sense ‘unruly’ in the countryside. Supreme in authority, the peasant association allows the landlord no say and sweeps away his prestige. This amounts to striking the landlord down to the dust and keeping him there. The peasants threaten, ‘We will put you in the other register [the register of reactionaries]!’ They fine the local tyrants and evil gentry, they demand contributions from them, and they smash their sedan chairs. People swarm into the houses of local tyrants and evil gentry who are against the peasant association, slaughter their pigs, and consume their grain. They even loll for a minute or two on the ivory-inlaid beds belonging to the young ladies in the households of the local tyrants and evil gentry. At the slightest provocation, they make arrests, crown the arrested with tall paper hats, and parade them through the village, saying, ‘You dirty landlords, now you know who we are!’ Doing whatever they like and turning everything upside down, they have created a kind of terror in the countryside. [35]

But Mao gave such “unruly” actions his full approval, saying: “To put it bluntly, it is necessary to create terror for a while in every rural area, or otherwise, it would be impossible to suppress the activities of the counter-revolutionaries in the countryside or overthrow the authority of the gentry. Proper limits have to be exceeded in order to right a wrong, or else the wrong cannot be righted. ... Many of their deeds in the period of revolutionary action, which were seen as going too far, were in fact the very things the revolution required.” [36]

Communist revolution creates a system of terror.

The CCP labeled the Long March as a northbound operation against Japanese forces. It trumpeted the Long March as a Chinese revolutionary fairy tale. It claimed that the Long March was a “manifesto,” a “propaganda team,” and a “seeding machine,” which ended with the CCP’s victory and its enemies’ defeat. The CCP fabricated such obvious lies about marching north to fight the Japanese to cover its failures. From October 1933 to January 1934, the Communist Party suffered a near total defeat: In the fifth operation by the Kuomintang, which aimed to encircle and annihilate the CCP, the CCP lost its rural strongholds one after another. With its base areas continually shrinking, the main Red Army had to flee. This is the true origin of the Long March, which was in fact aimed at breaking out of the encirclement and fleeing to Outer Mongolia and Soviet Russia along an arc that first went west and then north. Once in place, the CCP could escape into the Soviet Union in case of defeat.

The CCP encountered great difficulties while en route toward Outer Mongolia. It chose to go through Shanxi and Suiyuan. By marching through these northern provinces, it could claim to be “fighting the Japanese” and win people’s hearts. Additionally, these areas were safe, as no Japanese troops were deployed there. The area occupied by the Japanese army was along the Great Wall.

A year later, when the CCP finally arrived at Shanbei (northern Shaanxi Province), the main force of the Red Army had decreased from 80,000 to 6,000 troops.

In December 1936, two Kuomintang generals, Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng, kidnapped Chiang in Xi’an. This has since come to be known as the Xi’an Incident. According to CCP textbooks, the Xi’an Incident was a “military coup” initiated by Zhang and Yang, who delivered a life-or-death ultimatum to Chiang, forcing him to take a stance against the Japanese invaders. Zhou was reportedly invited to Xi’an as a CCP representative to help negotiate a peaceful resolution. With different groups in China mediating, the incident was resolved peacefully, thereby ending a civil war of ten years and starting a unified national alliance against the Japanese. The CCP history books say that this incident was a crucial turning point for China, and they depict the CCP as the patriotic party that took the interests of the whole nation into account.

More and more documents have revealed that many CCP spies had already gathered around Zhang and Yang before the Xi’an Incident. Liu Ding, an underground CCP member, was introduced to Zhang by Song Qingling, wife of Sun Yat-sen, sister of Madame Chiang, and a CCP member. After the Xi’an Incident, Mao praised Liu, saying that “Liu Ding performed meritorious service in the Xi’an Incident.”

Among those working at Yang’s side was his wife, Xie Baozhen, a CCP member who worked in the Political Department of the army under Yang. Xie had married Yang in January 1928 with the approval of the CCP. In addition, CCP member Wang Bingnan was an honored guest in Yang’s home at the time. Wang later became a vice minister for the CCP’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

It was these CCP members surrounding generals Zhang and Yang, who directly instigated the coup. At the beginning of the incident, the leaders of the CCP wanted to kill Chiang in revenge for his earlier suppression of the CCP. At that time, the CCP had a fragile base in northern Shaanxi Province and was in danger of being eliminated in a single battle. The CCP, utilizing all of its acquired skills of deception, instigated the revolt by Zhang and Yang.

In order to pin down the Japanese and prevent them from attacking the Soviet Union, Joseph Stalin personally wrote to the Central Committee of the CCP, asking it not to kill Chiang, but rather to cooperate with him for a second time. Mao and Zhou realized that they could not destroy the Kuomintang with the limited strength of the CCP alone. If they killed Chiang, they would be defeated and even eliminated by the avenging Kuomintang army.

Under these circumstances, the CCP changed its tune. In the name of joint resistance against the Japanese, the CCP forced Chiang to accept cooperation a second time. The CCP first instigated a revolt, pointing the gun at Chiang, but then turned around and, acting like a stage hero, forced him to accept the CCP again. The CCP not only escaped a crisis of disintegration, but also used the opportunity to latch onto the Kuomintang government a second time.

The Red Army was soon turned into the Eighth Route Army and grew bigger and more powerful than before. Who wouldn’t have been fooled by the CCP's unmatchable skills of deception?

When the war against Japan broke out in 1937, the Kuomintang had more than 1.7 million combat troops, a navy that displaced a total of 110,000 tons, and about 600 fighter planes of various kinds. The total size of the CCP army, including the New Fourth Army, which was newly formed in November 1937, did not exceed 70,000 troops. Its power was weakened further by internal fractional politics; it could have been eliminated in a single battle.

The CCP realized that if it were to face the Japanese in battle, it would not be able to defeat even a single division of Japanese troops. In the eyes of the CCP, sustaining its own power rather than ensuring the survival of the nation was the central focus and the reason for its emphasis on “national unity.” Therefore, during its cooperation with the Kuomintang, the CCP exercised an internal policy of “giving priority to the struggle for political power, which is to be disclosed internally and realized in actual practice.”

After the Japanese occupied the city of Shenyang on September 18, 1931, thereby extending their control over large areas in northeastern China, the CCP fought shoulder to shoulder with Japanese invaders to defeat the Kuomintang. In a declaration written in response to the Japanese occupation, the CCP exhorted the people in the Kuomintang-controlled areas to rebel, calling on “workers to strike, peasants to make trouble, students to boycott classes, poor people to quit working, soldiers to revolt” so as to overthrow the Nationalist government.

The CCP made a show of calling for resistance to the Japanese, but they only had local armies and guerrilla forces in camps away from the frontlines. Except for a few battles, including the one fought at Pingxing Pass, the CCP did not make much of a contribution at all to the war against the Japanese. Instead, it spent its energy expanding its own base. When the Japanese surrendered, the CCP incorporated the surrendering soldiers into its army, claiming to have expanded to more than 900,000 regular soldiers, in addition to 2 million militia fighters.

The Kuomintang army was essentially alone on the frontlines while fighting the Japanese, losing more than 200 marshals in the war. The commanding officers on the CCP side bore nearly no losses. However, the textbooks of the CCP have constantly claimed that the Kuomintang did not resist the Japanese and that it was the CCP that led the great victory in the war against Japan.

The CCP attracted countless patriotic youth to Yan’an in the name of fighting against the Japanese, then turned around and persecuted tens of thousands of them during the rectification movement in Yan’an. Since gaining control of China, the CCP has depicted Yan’an as the revolutionary “holy land,” but has not made any mention of the crimes it committed during the rectification.

The rectification movement in Yan’an was the largest, darkest, and most ferocious power game ever played out in the human world. In the name of “cleansing petty bourgeoisie toxins,” the Party washed away morality, independent thought, freedom of action, tolerance, and dignity. The first step of the rectification was to set up individual personnel archives, which included 1) a personal statement; 2) a chronicle of one’s political life; 3) a description of one's family background and social relationships; 4) an autobiography and record of ideological transformation; and 5) an evaluation according to Party nature.

For the personnel archive, people had to list all of their acquaintances since birth and all important life events, along with the time and place of their occurrence. People were asked to write repeatedly for the archive, and any omissions would be seen as signs of impurity. They had to describe all social activities they had ever participated in, especially those related to joining the Party, with an emphasis on their personal thought processes during these social activities.

Evaluation based on Party nature was even more important, and people had to confess any thoughts or behavior, speech, work attitudes, everyday life, or social activities that opposed the Party. For example, in evaluating their own consciousness, people were required to scrutinize whether they had been concerned about their self-interest, whether they had used work for the Party to reach personal goals, whether they had wavered in trust in the revolutionary future, whether they had feared death during battles, and whether they had missed spouses and family members after joining the Party or the army. There were no objective standards, so nearly everyone was found to have problems.

Coercion was used to extract “confessions” from cadres who were being inspected in order to eliminate “hidden traitors.” Countless frame-ups and false accusations resulted, and a large number of cadres were persecuted. During the rectification, Yan’an was called “a place for purging human nature.” A work team entered the University of Military Affairs and Politics to examine the cadres’ personal histories, inflicting “Red Terror” for two months. Various methods were used to extract confessions, including extemporaneous confessions, demonstrative confessions, “group persuasions,” “five-minute persuasions,” private advice, conference reports, and identifying the “radishes” (meaning those who were “red on the outside but white on the inside”). There was also “picture taking,” lining up everyone on stage for examination. Those who appeared nervous were identified and targeted as subjects to be investigated.

Even representatives from the Comintern recoiled at the methods used during the rectification, saying that the Yan’an situation was depressing. People did not dare interact with one another. Each person had his own ax to grind, and everyone was nervous and frightened. No one dared to speak the truth or protect mistreated friends because each was trying to save his own life. The vicious — those who flattered, lied, and insulted others — were promoted. Humiliation became a fact of life in Yan’an — it was either humiliate others or humiliate oneself. People were pushed to the brink of insanity, having been forced to abandon their dignity, sense of honor or shame, and love for one another to save their own lives and their own jobs. They ceased to express their own opinions and recited Party leaders’ articles instead.

This same system of oppression has been employed in all CCP political activities since it seized power in China.

Russia’s February Revolution in 1917 was a relatively mild uprising. The czar placed the interests of the country first and surrendered the throne instead of resisting. Lenin hurriedly returned to Russia from Germany, staged another coup, and, in the name of communist revolution, murdered the revolutionaries of the capitalist class who had overthrown the czar, thus strangling Russia’s bourgeois revolution.

The CCP, like Lenin, picked the fruits of a nationalist revolution. After the war against Japan was over, the CCP launched a so-called “War of Liberation” (1946–1949) to overthrow the Kuomintang government, bringing the disaster of war to China once more.

The CCP is well known for its “huge-crowd strategy,” the sacrifice of a massive number of lives to win a battle. In several battles with the Kuomintang, including those fought in Liaoxi-Shenyang, Beijing-Tianjin, and Huai-Hai, [37] the CCP used the most primitive, barbarous, and inhumane tactics, sacrificing huge numbers of its own people. When besieging Changchun City in Jilin Province, northeastern China, to exhaust the city’s food supply, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was ordered to forbid ordinary people from leaving the city. During the two months of Changchun’s besiegement, nearly two hundred thousand people died of hunger and cold. But the PLA did not allow people to leave. After the battle was over, the CCP, without a tinge of shame, claimed that they had “liberated Changchun without firing a shot.”

From 1947 to 1948, the CCP signed the Harbin Agreement and the Moscow Agreement with the Soviet Union, surrendering national assets and giving away resources from the northeast in exchange for the Soviet Union’s full support in foreign relations and military affairs. According to the agreements, the Soviet Union would supply the CCP with fifty airplanes, give the CCP weapons left by the surrendered Japanese in two installments, and sell the Soviet-controlled ammunition and military supplies in China’s northeast to the CCP at low prices. If the Kuomintang launched an amphibious landing in the northeast, the Soviet Union would secretly support the CCP army. In addition, the Soviet Union would help the CCP gain control over Xinjiang in northwestern China; the CCP and the Soviet Union would build an allied air force; and the Soviets would help equip eleven divisions of the CCP army and transport one-third of its U.S.-supplied weapons (worth $13 billion) into northeastern China.

To gain Soviet support and advanced weapons, the CCP promised the Soviet Union special transportation privileges in the northeast both on land and by air. It offered the Soviets information about the actions of both the Kuomintang government and the U.S. military; it provided them with products from the northeast (cotton and soybeans) and military supplies; it granted them preferential mining rights in China; it allowed them to station armies in the northeast, including Xinjiang; and it permitted them to set up the Far East Intelligence Bureau in China. If war broke out in Europe, the CCP would send an expeditionary army of one hundred thousand, plus two million laborers, to support the Soviet Union. In addition, the CCP promised to merge some special regions in Liaoning Province into North Korea, if necessary.

The most prominent characteristic of the CCP is its eternal fear. Survival has been the CCP’s greatest interest since its inception. The desire for survival managed to overcome the fear hidden beneath its ever-changing appearance. The CCP is like a cancer that metastasizes throughout every part of the body, kills the surrounding normal cells, and grows beyond control. In our cycle of history, society has been unable to dissolve such a mutated factor as the CCP and has no alternative to letting it proliferate at will. This mutated factor is so powerful that nothing within the level and range of its expansion can stop it. Much of society has become polluted, and larger and larger areas have been flooded with communism or communist elements. These elements are further strengthened and taken advantage of by the CCP and have fundamentally degraded the morality and society of humankind.

The CCP doesn’t believe in any generally recognized principle of morality and justice. All of its principles are used entirely for its own interest. It is fundamentally selfish, and there are no principles that could restrain and control its desires. Based on its own principles, the Party needs to keep changing how its surface appears by taking on new forms. During the early period when its survival was at stake, the CCP attached itself to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, to the Kuomintang, to the Kuomintang’s governing body, and to the National Revolution. After capturing power, the CCP attached itself to various forms of opportunism, to the citizens’ minds and feelings, to social structures and means — to anything it could put its hands on. It has utilized every crisis as an opportunity to gather more power and to strengthen its means of control.

The CCP claims that revolutionary victory depends upon three “magic weapons”: the Party’s construction, armed struggle, and united fronts. The experience with the Kuomintang offered the CCP two more such “weapons”: propaganda and espionage. The Party’s various “magic weapons” have all been infused with the CCP’s nine inherited traits: evil, deceit, incitement, unleashing the scum of society, espionage, robbery, fighting, elimination, and control.

Marxism-Leninism is evil in its nature. Ironically, the Chinese communists do not really understand Marxism-Leninism. Lin Biao [38] said that there were very few CCP members who had really read the works of Marx or Lenin. The public considered Qu Qiubai [39] to be an ideologue, but he admitted to having read very little of Marxist-Leninist theory.

Mao’s ideology is a rural version of Marxism-Leninism that advocates the rebellion of peasants. Deng’s theory of the primary stage of socialism has capitalism as its last name. Jiang Zemin’s “Three Represents” [40] was pieced together out of nothing. The CCP has never really understood what Marxism-Leninism is but has inherited its evil aspects, upon which the CCP has foisted off its own even more wicked stuff.

The CCP’s united front is a conjunction of deceit and short-term payoffs. The goal of unity was to strengthen its power, to help it grow from a loner to a huge clan, and to change the ratio of its friends to its enemies. Unity required discernment — identifying who were enemies and who were friends; who were on the left, in the middle, or on the right; who should be befriended and when; and who should be attacked and when. It easily turned former enemies into friends and then back into enemies again. For example, during the period of the democratic revolution, the Party allied with the capitalists; during the socialist revolution, it eliminated the capitalists. In another example, leaders of other democratic parties such as Zhang Bojun [41] and Luo Longji, [42] co-founders of the China Democratic League, were made use of as supporters of the CCP during the period of seizing state power, but later were persecuted as “rightists.”

The Communist Party has used two-sided strategies, with one side soft and flexible and the other hard and stern. Its softer strategies include propaganda, united fronts, sowing dissension, espionage, instigating rebellion, double-dealing, getting into people’s minds, brainwashing, lies and deception, covering up the truth, psychological abuse, and generating an atmosphere of terror.

In doing these things, the CCP creates a syndrome of fear inside the people’s hearts that leads them to easily forget the Party’s wrongdoings. These myriad methods can stamp out human nature and foster maliciousness in humanity. The CCP’s hard tactics include violence, armed struggle, persecution, political movements, murdering witnesses, kidnapping, suppressing different voices, armed attacks, periodic crackdowns, and the like. These aggressive methods create and perpetuate terror.

The CCP uses both soft and hard methods concurrently. It will be relaxed in some instances while strict in others, or it will be relaxed on the outside while stiff in its internal affairs. In a relaxed atmosphere, the CCP would encourage the expression of different opinions, as if luring a snake out of its hole, then persecute those who spoke up in the following period of strict control. The CCP often used democracy to challenge the Kuomintang, but when intellectuals in the CCP-controlled areas disagreed with the Party, they would be tortured or even beheaded. As an example, we can look to the infamous “Wild Lilies incident,” in which the intellectual Wang Shiwei, who wrote an essay titled “Wild Lilies” to express his ideal of equality, democracy, and humanitarianism, was purged in 1942 during the Yan’an Rectification Movement and hacked to death with axes by the CCP in 1947.

One veteran official who suffered torments during the Yan’an Rectification Movement recalled that when he was under intense pressure, dragged in, and forced to confess, the only thing he could do was betray his own conscience and make up lies. At first, he felt bad to be implicating and framing his fellow comrades. He hated himself so much that he wanted to end his life. Coincidentally, a gun had been placed on the table. He grabbed it, pointed it at his head, and pulled the trigger. But the gun had no bullets! The person who was investigating him walked in and said: “It’s good that you admitted what you’ve done was wrong. The Party’s policies are lenient.” By such measures, the Communist Party would know that a person had reached his limit, that he was “loyal” to the Party and had therefore passed the test. The CCP always puts one in a deathtrap first and then enjoys one’s pain and humiliation. When one reaches the limit and just wishes for death, the Party “kindly” comes out to show one a way to live. “Better a live coward than a dead hero,” it is said. One becomes grateful to the Party for being one’s savior.

Years later, this veteran official learned about Falun Gong, a qigong and self-cultivation practice that started in China. He felt the practice was good. When the communist regime began the persecution of Falun Gong in 1999, however, his painful memories of his past torments at the hands of the CCP revisited him, and he no longer dared to say that Falun Gong was good.

The experience of Emperor Pu Yi, [43] China’s last emperor, was similar to that of this official. Imprisoned in the CCP’s cells and seeing people killed one after another, he thought that he would die soon. In order to live, he allowed himself to be brainwashed and cooperated with the prison guards. Later, he wrote an autobiography, The First Half of My Life, which was used by the CCP as an example of successful ideological remolding.

According to modern medical studies, many captives held under intense pressure and in isolation fall prey to an abnormal sense of dependency on their captors, known as Stockholm syndrome. The victims’ moods — happiness or anger, joy or sorrow — are dictated by the moods of their captors. The slightest favor granted the victims is received with deep gratitude. There are accounts in which the victims develop “love” for their captors. This psychological phenomenon has long been used successfully by the CCP both against its enemies and in controlling and remolding the minds of its citizens.

A majority of the general secretaries of the CCP have been labeled anti-communist. Clearly, the CCP has a life of its own, with its own independent body. The Party runs the officials; the officials do not run the Party.

In the “Soviet regions” [44] of Jiangxi Province, while the CCP was encircled by the Kuomintang and could barely survive, it still conducted internal cleansing operations in the name of cracking down on the Anti-Bolshevik League, [45] executing its own soldiers at night or stoning them to death to save bullets. In northern Shaanxi Province, while sandwiched between the Japanese and the Kuomintang, the CCP began the Yan’an Rectification Movement of mass cleansing, killing many people. This type of repetitive massacre on such a massive scale did not prevent the CCP from eventually expanding its power to rule all of China. The CCP expanded this pattern of internal rivalry and killing from its small revolutionary enclaves to the whole nation.

The Party is like a malignant tumor: In its rapid development, the center of the tumor has already died, but it continues to diffuse to the healthy cells on the outer edges. After the cells are infiltrated, new tumors grow. No matter how good or bad a person was to start with, after joining the CCP, he or she would become part of its destructive force. The more honest the person was, the more destructive he would become. Undoubtedly, this CCP tumor will continue to grow until there is nothing left for it to feed upon. Then, the cancer will surely die.

The founder of the CCP, Chen Duxiu, was an intellectual and a leader of the May Fourth student movement. He showed himself not to be a fan of violence and warned the CCP members that if they attempted to convert the Kuomintang to the communist ideologies or had too much interest in power, it would certainly lead to strained relationships. While being one of the most active members of the May Fourth generation, Chen was also tolerant. He was then the first to be labeled a “right-wing opportunist.”

Another CCP leader, Qu, believed that CCP members should engage in battles and fighting, organize rebellions, overthrow authorities, and use extreme means to return Chinese society to its normal functioning. However, Qu confessed before his death: “I do not want to die as a revolutionary. I had left your movement a long time ago. Well, history played a trick, bringing me, an intellectual, onto the political stage of revolution and keeping me there for many years. In the end, I still could not overcome my own gentry notions. I cannot become a warrior of the proletariat class after all.” [46]

The CCP leader Wang Ming, at the advice of the Comintern, argued for unity with the Kuomintang in the war against the Japanese, rather than expanding the CCP base. At Party meetings, Mao and Zhang Wentian [47] could not persuade this comrade, nor could they reveal the truth of their situation: that due to the limited military strength of the Red Army, they would not be able to hold back even a division of the Japanese by themselves. If the CCP had decided to fight the Japanese, then the history of China would certainly have been different. Mao was forced to remain silent at the meetings. Later, Wang was ousted, first for a “left-wing” deviation, and then for being an “opportunist” of the right-wing ideology.

Hu Yaobang was a Party general secretary (the head of the CCP) who was forced to resign in January 1987. He had won back the Chinese people’s support for the CCP by bringing justice to many innocent victims who had been criminalized during the Cultural Revolution. Still, in the end, he was kicked out.

Zhao Ziyang, the CCP’s fallen general secretary, [48] wanted to help the Party to further reforms, yet his actions brought him dire consequences.

So what could each new leader of the CCP accomplish? To truly reform the CCP would imply its death, and the reformers would quickly find their power taken away by the CCP itself. There is a certain limit to what CCP members can do to transform the CCP system, so there is no chance for any reformation of the CCP to succeed.

If the Party leaders have all turned into “bad people,” how could the CCP have expanded the revolution? In many instances when the CCP was at its best — also its most evil — its highest officials failed in their positions. This was because their degree of evil did not meet the standard of the Party, which has, over and over, selected only the most evil of people. Many Party leaders have seen their political lives end in tragedy, yet the CCP has survived. The CCP leaders who survived their positions were not those who could influence the Party, but those who could comprehend the Party’s evil intentions and follow them. They strengthened the CCP’s ability to survive while in crisis and gave themselves entirely to the Party. It's no wonder Party members were capable of battling with heaven, fighting with the earth, and struggling against other human beings. But never could they oppose the Party. They are tame tools of the Party or, at most, symbiotically related to the Party.

Shamelessness has become a marvelous quality of today’s CCP. According to the Party, its mistakes were all made by individual Party leaders, such as Zhang Guotao [49] or the Gang of Four. [50] Mao was judged by the Party as having made three parts mistakes and seven parts achievements, while Deng judged himself to have made four parts mistakes and six parts achievements, but the Party itself was never wrong. Even if the Party was wrong, well, it is the Party itself that has corrected the mistakes. Therefore, the Party tells its members to “look forward” and “not to be tangled in past accounts.” Many things can change: The communist paradise has been replaced by the lowly goal of socialist food and shelter; Marxism-Leninism has been replaced by the “Three Represents.”

People should not be surprised to see the CCP promoting democracy, allowing freedom of belief, abandoning Jiang Zemin overnight, or redressing the persecution of Falun Gong, if it deems that doing so necessary to maintain its control. There is one thing that never changes about the CCP: the fundamental pursuit of the Party’s goals — the survival and maintenance of its power and control. The CCP has mixed violence, terror, and high-pressure indoctrination to form its theoretical basis, which has then turned into the Party nature, the supreme principles of the Party, the spirit of its leaders, the functioning mechanism of the entire Party, and the criteria for the actions of all CCP members. The Communist Party is as hard as steel, and its discipline is as solid as iron. The intentions of all members must be unified, and the actions of all members must be in complete compliance with the Party’s political agenda.

Conclusion

Why has history chosen the Communist Party over any other political force in China? As we all know, in this world there are two forces, two choices. One is the old and the evil, whose goal is to do evil and choose the negative way. The other is the righteous and the good, which will choose the right and the benevolent way.

The CCP was chosen by the old forces. The reason for the choice is precisely because the CCP has gathered together all the evil of the world, Chinese and foreign, past and present. It is a typical representative of the evil forces. The CCP took the greatest advantage of people’s inborn innocence and benevolence to cheat, and, step by step, it has prevailed in gaining today’s capacity to destroy.

What did the Party mean when it claimed that there would be no new China without the Communist Party? The evidence shows that without deceit and violence, from the CCP’s founding in 1921 to its rise to political power in 1949, the Party would not be in power. The CCP differs from all other types of organizations in that it follows a twisted ideology of Marxism-Leninism and does as it pleases. It explains all that it does with high theories and cleverly links them to certain portions of the masses, thus “justifying” its actions. It broadcasts propaganda every day, clothing its strategies in various principles and theories and proving itself to be forever correct.

The development of the CCP has been a process of accumulating evil, with nothing glorious at all. The history of the CCP itself precisely shows its illegitimacy. The Chinese people did not choose the CCP. Instead, the CCP forced communism, this foreign evil specter, upon the Chinese people by applying the evil traits that it inherited from the Communist Party — evil, deceit, incitement, unleashing the scum of society, espionage, robbery, fighting, elimination, and control.

This concludes Commentary Two.

Notes:

[1] Xu Shen (c. 58–148), Shuowen Jiezi.

[2] Confucius (551 B.C.–479 B.C.), The Analects. Translated by Simon Leys; edited by Michael Nylan. 2014.

[3] Zhu Xi (1130–1200), Collection of Footnotes of Analects ("Lunyu").

[4] www.epochtimes.com/gb/2/4/5/n181606.htm (in Chinese).

[5] From the communist anthem, “The Internationale.”

[6] Mao Zedong, Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan (1927).

[7] A Chinese folk legend, The White-Haired Girl is the story of a female immortal living in a cave who has the supernatural abilities to reward virtue and punish vice, support the righteous and restrain the evil. However, in the Chinese “modern” drama, opera, and ballet, she is described as a girl who is forced to flee to a cave after her father is beaten to death for refusing to marry her off to an old landlord. She becomes white-haired for lack of nutrition. This became one of the most well-known “modern” dramas in China and inspired class hatred toward landlords.

[8] Roughly translates as “slum workers.” This term, coined by Marx in The Class Struggles in France (1848–1850), identifies the class of outcast, degenerate, or underground elements that make up a section of the population of industrial centers. It includes beggars, prostitutes, gangsters, racketeers, swindlers, petty criminals, tramps, chronic unemployed or unemployables, persons who have been cast out by industry, and all sorts of declassed, degraded, or degenerated elements.

[9] Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto (1848).  

[10] Mao Zedong, 1927.     

[11] Zhou Enlai (1898–1976) was second in prominence to Mao in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. He was the premier of the People’s Republic of China from 1949 until his death.                                               

[12] Gu Shunzhang (1903–1934) was originally one of the heads of the CCP’s special agent system. In 1931, he was arrested by the Kuomintang and assisted them in uncovering many of the CCP’s secret agents. All eight members of Gu’s family were later strangled to death and buried in the French concession in Shanghai.

[13] The War of Liberation of June 1946 was the civil war between the CCP and the Kuomintang. The war is marked by three successive campaigns — Liaoxi-Shenyang, Huai-Hai, and Beiping-Tianjin — after which the CCP overthrew the rule of the Kuomintang, leading to the founding of the People’s Republic of China on Oct. 1, 1949.

[14] Chiang Kai-shek (1887–1975), also called Jiang Jieshi, was leader of the Kuomintang and later exiled to become the ruler of Taiwan.

[15] Hu Zongnan (1896–1962), a native of Xiaofeng County (now part of Anji County), Zhejiang Province, was successively deputy commander, acting commander, and chief of staff of the Kuomintang’s southwest military and administrative headquarters.

[16] Li Xiannian (1909–1992) was one of the senior leaders of the CCP. He was president of China in 1983. He played an important role in helping Deng Xiaoping regain his power at the end of the Cultural Revolution in October 1976.

[17] Mao Zedong, 1927.

[18] Mao Zedong, 1927.

[19] When the CCP began land reform, it categorized the people. Among the defined classes of enemies, intellectuals were next to landlords, reactionaries, spies, and the like and ranked as the ninth class.

[20] Hu Jintao (1942–). Speech in the Symposium to Commemorate the 100th Anniversary of the Birth of Ren Bishi. April 30, 2004. Hu was general secretary of the CCP from 2002 to 2012.

[21] From a poem by Sima Qian (c. 145–87 B.C.), a historian and scholar of the West Han Dynasty. His famous poem says, “Everyone has to die; one dies either more solemn than Mount Tai or lighter than a feather.” Mount Tai is one of the major mountains in China.

[22] Mao Zedong. On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship (1949).

[23] Yang Kui-song. “Moscow’s Financial Support to the Chinese Communist Party from 1920s to 1940s.” Twenty-First Century. June 2004.

[24] The Northern Expedition was a military campaign led by Chiang Kai-shek from 1926 intended to unify China under the rule of the Kuomintang and end the rule of local warlords. It was largely successful in these objectives. During the Northern Expedition, the CCP had an alliance with the Kuomintang.

[25] The revolutionary movement during the CCP–Kuomintang alliance that carried out the Northern Expedition.

[26] Sun Yat-sen (1866–1925) was the first leader of the Kuomintang and often described as the founder of modern China.

[27] Tan Pingshan (1886–1956) was one of the early CCP leaders in Guangdong Province.

[28] Feng Jupo (1899–1954) was one of the early CCP leaders in Guangdong Province.

[29] Lin Zuhan (1886–1960), also known as Lin Boqu, was one of the earliest CCP members.

[30] Peng Pai (1896–1929) was a CCP leader.

[31] Zhang Shenfu (1893–1986), also known as Zhang Songnian, was one of the founders of the CCP who induced Zhou to join the CCP.

[32] The National Revolutionary Army, controlled by the Kuomintang, was the National Army of the People’s Republic of China. During the period of the CCP–Kuomintang alliance, it included CCP members who joined the alliance.

[33] On April 12, 1927, the Kuomintang, led by Chiang Kai-shek, initiated a military operation against the CCP in Shanghai and several other cities. More than five thousand CCP members were captured and many of them were killed by the end of 1927 in Shanghai.

[34] The Jinggang Mountains area is considered the first rural revolutionary base of the CCP and is called “the cradle for the Red Army.”

[35] Mao Zedong, Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan (1927).

[36] Ibid.
[37] Liaoxi-Shenyang, Beijing-Tianjin, and Huai-Hai battles were the three major battles the CCP fought with the Kuomintang, from September 1948 to January 1949, that annihilated many of the Kuomintang’s crack troops. Millions of lives were lost in these three battles.

[38] Lin Biao (1907–1971), a senior CCP leader, served under Mao Zedong as vice premier under Zhou Enlai (from 1954), as vice chairman (from 1958), and as defense minister (from 1959). Lin was designated as Mao’s successor in 1966 but fell out of favor in 1970. Sensing his downfall, Lin reportedly became involved in a coup attempt against Mao and tried to flee to the USSR once the alleged plot became exposed. He died in a plane crash in Mongolia.

[39] Qu Qiubai (1899–1935) was one of the CCP’s earlier leaders and famous leftist writers. He was captured by the Kuomintang in late February 1935 and died on June 18 that year.

[40] The “Three Represents” was initially mentioned in a speech by Jiang Zemin in February 2000. According to this doctrine, the Party must always represent the development trend of China’s advanced productive forces, the orientation of China’s advanced culture, and the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the Chinese people.

[41] Zhang Bojun (1895–1969) was one of the founders of the China Democratic League, a democratic party in China. He was classified as the No. 1 rightist in 1957 by Mao and was one of the few rightists who were not redressed after the Cultural Revolution.

[42] Luo Longji (1898–1965) was one of the founders of the China Democratic League. He was classified as a rightist in 1958 by Mao and was one of the few “rightists” who were not redressed after the Cultural Revolution.

[43] Pu Yi, or Aisin Gioro in Manchurian (1906–1967), was the last emperor of China. After his abdication, the new republican government granted him a large government pension and permitted him to live in the Forbidden City of Beijing until 1924. After 1925, he lived in the Japanese concession in Tianjin. In 1934, he became the emperor of the Japanese puppet state of Manchuria. In 1945, he was captured by the Russian army and became a prisoner until 1950, when he was handed over to the Chinese Communist Party. In 1946, Pu Yi testified at the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal that he had been the unwilling tool of the Japanese militarists and not, as they claimed, the instrument of Manchurian self-determination. He was imprisoned at Shenyang until 1959, when Mao granted him amnesty.

[44] The "Soviet regions" were not Soviet at all, but rather were revolutionary enclaves set up by the CCP in the provinces of Hubei, Henan, and Anhui during the time of rebellion against the Kuomintang, prior to Japan’s invasion in World War II.

[45] In this episode during the CCP’s internal struggle in 1930, Mao ordered the killing of thousands of party members, Red Army soldiers, and innocent civilians in Jiangxi Province, in an attempt to consolidate his power in the CCP-controlled areas.

[46] Qu Qiubai. “A Few More Words.” May 23, 1935. Written shortly before his death on June 18, 1935.

[47] Zhang Wentian (1900–1976) was an important leader of the CCP, beginning in the 1930s. He was deputy foreign minister of China from 1954 to 1960. He was persecuted to death during the Cultural Revolution. His case was redressed in August 1979.

[48] Zhao Ziyang (1919–2005) was dismissed as general secretary and put under house arrest due to his disagreement with using force to end the student demonstrations in the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989.

[49] Zhang Guotao (1897–1979) was one of the founders of the CCP. He was expelled from the CCP in April 1938. He went to Taiwan in November 1948, then to Hong Kong in 1949. He immigrated to Canada in 1968.

[50] The Gang of Four was formed by Mao Zedong's wife, Jiang Qing (1913–1991), Shanghai Propaganda Department official Zhang Chunqiao (1917–2005), literary critic Yao Wenyuan (1931–2005), and Shanghai security guard Wang Hongwen (1935–1992). They rose to power during the Cultural Revolution and dominated Chinese politics during the early 1970s.